Artikel Bilingual.
In the current political year, the millennial generation accounts for about 50 percent of all citizens with the right to vote (Kompas, 14/9/2018).
Di tahun politik ini, generasi milenial jumlahnya sekitar 50 persen dari total warga negara yang punya hak pilih (Kompas, 14/9/2018).
They are the “battlefield” of the 2019 general election because the millennial generation is deemed the swing vote toward victory. Aside from politicians, businesspeople of all industry backgrounds are also targeting them. Technology products and their various derivatives seem to be dedicated to their passions.
Mereka jadi ladang ”rebutan”, baik untuk pileg maupun pilpres karena dianggap sebagai ceruk yang menjanjikan kemenangan. Tidak hanya politisi, para pebisnis pun dengan segala variasi usahanya juga membidik mereka. Produk teknologi dengan berbagai derivasinya sepertinya didedikasikan untuk passion mereka.
One thing that might have been overlooked is that religious groups are also zooming in on the millennial generation. This is evident in the da’wah (preaching) model that has been packaged and adapted to their tastes, both in the mass media and on social media. Of course, this attention on the millennial generation should be encouraged and appreciated if it comes from moderate religious leaders. However, if radical groups are targeting them, it is only natural to be alert, because the seeds of their influential grip have begun to germinate.
Hal yang mungkin tak terpikirkan adalah sejumlah kelompok agamawan ternyata juga membidik mereka. Ini terbukti dari model ”dakwah”, baik di media massa maupun media sosial, yang dikemas dan disesuaikan dengan selera mereka. Tentu perhatian para agamawan kepada generasi milenial adalah sesuatu yang perlu didorong dan diapresiasi apabila hal itu dilakukan oleh agamawan yang moderat. Namun, apabila yang membidik adalah kelompok radikal, sudah sewajarnya perlu diwaspadai karena mulai tampak benih-benih pengaruh cengkeraman mereka.
The Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) surveyed in August 2017 the aspirations of the millennial generation with regard to leadership and tolerance across 34 provinces in Indonesia. As much as 90.5 percent of the millennial generation disagreed with replacing Pancasila with another ideology, while the remaining 9.5 percent agreed with replacing Pancasila.
Survei Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) pada Agustus 2017 menyoroti aspirasi milenial dalam kepemimpinan dan toleransi di 34 provinsi di Indonesia. Sebanyak 90,5 persen generasi milenial tidak setuju jika ada gagasan mengganti Pancasila dengan ideologi lain, sebanyak 9,5 persen menyetujui penggantian Pancasila.
The results of this survey were encouraging, because very few agreed with replacing the Pancasila state ideology. Even so, caution is necessary because it also targeted the political system, or more specifically, replacing the Republic of Indonesia.
Survei di atas cukup menggembirakan karena hanya sedikit yang menyetujui penggantian ideologi Pancasila. Sekalipun demikian, perlu berhati-hati karena mereka juga membidik sistem politik, yakni mengganti NKRI.
This need for prudence was confirmed through the Maarif Institute’s 2016 study, which showed that more than half of public high school students in West Java supported the establishment of a caliphate state (Alexander R Arifianto, Banning the Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia, 2017). Similarly, the Wahid Foundation (2016) survey on radicalism among Islamic activists (rohis) showed that 78 percent supported the idea of establishing a caliphate.
Kehati-hatian itu terafirmasi dengan penelitian yang dilakukan oleh Maarif Institute pada 2016, yang menunjukkan lebih dari separuh siswa sekolah menengah umum di Jawa Barat mendukung menuju pembentukan negara berbasis khilafah (Alexander R Arifianto, Banning Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia, 2017). Demikian pula, survei Wahid Foundation (2016) tentang radikalisme di kalangan aktivis Islam (rohis) menunjukkan 78 persen mendukung gagasan pendirian kekhalifahan.
These results are certainly worrisome. The millennial generation’s political orientation could change: they could opt for abstention or become anti-Pancasila and opposed to the Republic of Indonesia. Likewise, the millennial generation could waver and become uprooted from their moderate religious traditions. Their tendency to put negative labels on fellow Muslims, never mind those of different faiths, is one such indication.
Hasil riset di atas tentu mengkhawatirkan. Orientasi politik generasi milenial bisa berubah; mulai jadi golput, anti-Pancasila, dan menentang NKRI. Demikian juga semaian tradisi beragama yang moderat kepada generasi milenial yang selama ini berjalan bisa goyah dan tercerabut. Salah satu indikasinya, mereka gampang memberi stempel negatif terhadap sesama umat Islam yang berbeda, apalagi yang berbeda agama
The stigma of “infidel” to mean “mortal enemy” could come from the mouth of an elementary-level child. A few years ago, a colleague in Surabaya was surprised when his son came home from school and spoke the word “infidel” in a furious tone. This was certainly a scary occurrence.
Stigma kafir dengan makna musuh bebuyutan bisa diucapkan anak setingkat SD. Beberapa tahun lalu, kolega dosen di Surabaya sempat terkejut ketika anaknya seusai pulang dari sekolah, lalu mengucapkan kata kafir dengan intonasi geram. Tentu hal ini cukup menyeramkan.
Another story was came from a friend who had stopped by my house after returning from distributing earthquake relief aid in West Nusa Tenggara (NTB). He said that a volunteer visited the refugee camp near Mount Rinjani to try and keep the children entertained.
Kisah lain, baru saja seorang teman sepulang dari NTB untuk mengawal bantuan gempa sempat mampir ke rumah saya. Dia bercerita ada seorang sukarelawan datang ke tenda pengungsian di dekat Gunung Rinjani.
The volunteer introduced the importance of tolerance by asking the children to name the religions in Indonesia. The children answered correctly. But what happened when they were asked whether people were allowed to be hostile towards those of other faiths? The children’s answer was very surprising. They answered in unison that this was allowed. Of course, this is a single case and does not represent the tolerance of all NTB people.
Si sukarelawan berusaha menghibur anak-anak, lalu dilanjutkan dengan pengenalan pentingnya toleransi dengan menanyakan nama-nama agama di Indonesia. Anak-anak menjawab dengan tepat. Namun saat ditanya lagi apakah boleh saling memusuhi? Jawaban anak-anak sangat mengejutkan. Mereka serempak menjawab boleh. Tentu ini sedikit kasus saja, tidak mencerminkan totalitas warga NTB yang toleran.
Trap of radical arguments
This kind of narrow and hateful mindset will spread quickly, thanks to internet connectivity. As explained in Millennial Nusantara by Hasanuddin Ali and Uuk Purwandi, the primary characteristic of the millennial generation is their connectivity through online communication. Radicals can quickly incite conflict through the internet.
Jebakan argumen kelompok radikal
Aras berpikir sempit dengan muatan kebencian demikian ini akan cepat tersebar berkat konektivitas internet. Karena, seperti dijelaskan dalam buku Millennial Nusantara karya Hasanuddin Ali dan Uuk Purwandi, ciri utama generasi milenial ialah ketersambungan komunikasi internet. Internet akan cepat membantu menciptakan friksi apabila itu dipegang kalangan radikal.
Then, what are the usual arguments that radical groups use to influence the millennial mindset? It must be acknowledged that the way to indoctrinate millennials is not through force, but by appealing to their rationale. Again, the millennial generation characteristically does not like to be indoctrinated. They prefer two-way communications like discussions and dialogue, as Hasanuddin Ali was quoted by nu.online.
Lalu, pilihan argumen apa saja yang biasa digunakan kelompok radikal untuk memengaruhi pola pikir generasi milenial? Perlu disadari, cara mendoktrin generasi milenial tidak dilakukan secara ”paksa”, tapi menggamit wilayah nalar mereka. Sekali lagi, ciri generasi milenial tidak suka diindoktrinasi. Mereka lebih suka jenis komunikasi dua arah seperti diskusi dan dialog, demikian kata Hasanuddin Ali seperti dikutip nu.online.
An 2016 article titled “Millennials: Burden, blessing, or both?” by Joanna Barsh, Lauren Brown and Kayvan Kian, reinforces the above statement. Although this particular article focuses on millennial-oriented businesses, it contains a relevant statement: that a leader must be willing to approach and listen to the millennial generation by encouraging intergenerational two-way dialogue.
Artikel tahun 2016 berjudul ”Millennials: Burden, blessing, or both?” , yang ditulis Joanna Barsh, Lauren Brown, dan Kayvan Kian, memperkuat pernyataan di atas. Walau artikel ini fokus pada bisnis terkait generasi milenial, ada kutipan yang relevan: bahwa dalam menghadapi generasi milenial, seorang pemimpin harus mau mendengarkan, dengan mendorong dialog dua arah antargenerasi.
Radical groups are well aware of this in designing their recruitment strategies. They invite dialogue when approaching the millennial generation. They ask questions that urge rational arguments and emotions in front of discussion participants. One such example is: “You claim to be a devout person, so is it the scriptures or the Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution that hold the greatest importance in your life?”
Kelompok radikal menyadari betul strategi merekrut mereka. Saat mendekati generasi milenial, mereka mengajak dialog. Lalu mengajukan pertanyaan-pertanyaan yang menggelitik nalar dan menggugah rasa ke hadapan mitra diskusinya. Semisal pertanyaan, ”Anda mengaku sebagai umat beragama yang taat, lalu pegangan tertinggi kehidupan Anda itu apakah kitab suci, atau Pancasila dan UUD 1945?”
When I was asked to testify as an expert witness in a court hearing, a group of lawyers who wanted to establish a caliphate also asked me about the hierarchy of the sources from which Islamic law derived. When I mentioned the Quran, hadith, ijmak and qiyas – in that order – as the sources of Islamic law, the lawyers then asked about the relevance of Pancasila, which was not among the sources of Islamic law. Their intention was to trap me so that I could not rebut their argument.
Saat sidang sebagai saksi ahli saya juga dikejar pertanyaan oleh pengacara kelompok yang hendak mendirikan khilafah tentang hierarki sumber hukum Islam. Saat saya sebut sumber hukum Islam adalah Al Quran, hadis, ijmak, dan qiyas, lalu si pengacara bertanya tentang posisi Pancasila yang tidak ada dalam tata urutan sumber hukum Islam. Maksud pengacara ini mau menjebak saya agar tidak bisa membantah argumen mereka.
Of course, questions like these that are designed to entrap will disrupt the rational thinking of millennials that are only a little familiar with the religious teachings of various schools and thoughts. If the sources of religious law are answered differently from the sources of state law, the radical groups are armed with other weapons that resort to secular, liberal and inconsistent labels. Therefore, Islamic texts, Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution must be incorporated in the curriculum to provide understanding on how these relate to each other.
Tentu jebakan pertanyaan seperti itu akan mengacaukan nalar generasi milenial yang memang baru sedikit mengenal ajaran agama yang memiliki ragam mazhab dan pemikiran. Saat dijawab sumber hukum agama berbeda dengan sumber hukum di NKRI, maka kelompok radikal sudah menyiapkan senjata lainnya dengan melontarkan stempel; sekuler, liberal, dan tidak konsisten serta tidak taat agama. Untuk itu, memberi pemahaman tentang posisi kitab suci, Pancasila, dan UUD 1945 harus dilakukan dengan memasukkan ke dalam kurikulum.
Radical groups have prepared another trap for promoting the concept of a caliphate: They explore the discourse of ulema that support the idea of a caliphate, and then conclude loudly that the caliphate is an inseparable part of Islamic teachings. Furthermore, they will have a logically constructed argument that opposing the caliphate was the same as opposing Islam. A person who supported the caliphate passively, and not through active efforts to uphold it, meant that they had committed the greatest sin or immoral act. It is easy to imagine that someone who does not agree to and opposes a caliphate would mean that their “sin” would surely double.
Kelompok radikal ini untuk mempromosikan khilafah juga punya strategi menjebak yang lain. Mereka akan mengeksplorasi wacana para ulama yang mendukung ide khilafah, lalu akan disuarakan secara masif bahwa khilafah adalah bagian tak terpisah dari ajaran Islam. Selanjutnya akan dikonstruksi secara logis bahwa menentang khilafah sama dengan menentang Islam. Setuju dengan khilafah, tapi hanya duduk berpangku tangan tidak berupaya menegakkan khilafah, maka orang itu dianggap telah melakukan dosa atau maksiat paling besar. Bisa dibayangkan kalau tidak setuju dan menentang, pasti dosanya berlipat.
Radical groups will guide the millennial generation toward believing that the caliphate is the Islamic political system and that the primary source of Islamic law is the Qur’an through conflicting logic – not through logic that flows and is complementary, which is the very basis of rational argument.
Mereka akan menggiring nalar generasi milenial bahwa dalam Islam sistem politik yang absah adalah khilafah dan sumber hukum yang tertinggi adalah Al Quran dengan membangun logika berlawanan, bukan logika berdampingan dan saling mengisi. Padahal, menggunakan logika berdampingan dan saling mengisi terdapat sandaran argumentasinya.
In Fiqh Tata Negara (understanding state administration), KH Afifuddin Muhajir explains how Western law could be accepted in a discourse on fiqh, as long as it did not contradict Islam, not to mention when using the maqashid approach under sharia.
KH Afifuddin Muhajir dalam bukunya Fiqh Tata Negara menjelaskan bagaimana hukum Barat bisa diterima dalam wacana fikih selama tidak bertentangan dengan Islam. Belum lagi apabila menggunakan pendekatan maqashid syariah.
However, radical groups prefer religious tenets that offer narrow and complicated means of understanding to create a positive impression. Kiai Husein Muhammad once explained the existence of rules exist such as al-ashl fi al-mu’amalat al-ibahah (permissibility of social relationships and transactions) and al-ashl bara-ah al-dzimmah (basically, human beings were free from the guilt/principle of presumed innocence).
Namun, kelompok radikal lebih memilih model beragama yang mempersempit dan mempersulit cara memahami dan mengaktualisasikan serta menciptakan kreasi positif dalam beragama. Kiai Husein Muhammad pernah menjelaskan terdapat kaidah-kaidah seperti; al-ashl fi al-mu’amalat al-ibahah (pada dasarnya dalam relasi dan transaksi sosial adalah boleh), dan al-ashl bara-ah al-dzimmah (pada dasarnya manusia bebas dari kesalahan/asas presumption of innocent).
These broad fiqh rules were often ignored in favor of their opposite, namely sadd al-dzari’ah (closing opportunities to evil and danger), a legal approach intended to restrict and control. Using this perspective, the so-called fiqh experts then introduce laws that prohibit, limit and control human behavior, whether as individuals or as a society.
Kaidah fikih yang lapang ini sering diabaikan dengan memilih menggunakan kaidah yang sebaliknya, yakni ”sadd al-dzari’ah” (menutup peluang bagi terjadinya keburukan dan bahaya), yang merupakan mekanisme hukum yang membatasi dan bersifat protektif. Dengan cara pandang seperti ini, para ahli fikih lalu memproduksi hukum-hukum yang melarang, membatasi, dan memproteksi tingkah laku manusia, secara individu maupun sosial.
Radical groups corner the millennial generation through such narrow and prohibitive teachings. Instead, independent thinking must be cultivated among the millennial generation through moderate and tolerant religious teachings that liberate and enlighten.
Generasi milenial dipagari sedemikan rupa oleh kelompok radikal melalui ajaran yang sempit dan membelenggu. Tentu generasi milenial harus dibuat merdeka dalam berpikir dengan suluh ajaran agama yang membebaskan, mencerahkan, moderat, serta toleran.
Referensi: Ainur Rofiq Al Amin, Kompas, 26 September 2018.